Although the Cold War has often been depicted in terms of bipolarity, and disconnection, more recent scholarship has sought to underline the various ways the Iron Curtain was in fact a porous boundary. Thus, I have set out to demonstrate in this paper the ways the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 functioned not only as a moment of political upheaval within Hungary itself, but also as a moment of contact between West and East. Mainly, I argue that Hungarian political refugees became contested subjects in the wider Cold War. For propagandists on both sides of the Iron Curtain they often functioned as props in broader ideological contests. Their intermediary and profoundly liminal status made them valuable commodities in the Cold War contest, but also rendered them potentially subversive and destabilizing. As such, they played central roles in challenging Cold War imaginaries, but they were also employed to re-inscribe psychologically satisfying narratives which had been temporarily disrupted by the Revolution. Thus, confronted with the destabilizing trans-border experience of the political refugee, Western and Hungarian ideologues sought to re-inscribe onto these contested bodies pre-conceived notions of the Cold War “other.” Instead of amending their existing imaginaries to agree with reality, they sought to resuscitate older Cold War fantasy. Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s pithy maxim bears mentioning here: “When reality does not coincide with deeply held beliefs, human beings tend to phrase interpretations that force reality within the scope of these beliefs. They devise formulas to repress the unthinkable and to bring it back within the realm of accepted discourse.” Using primarily newspaper articles from the time, but also cinematic and satirical sources I answer two interrelated questions in this paper: 1) how Hungarian political refugees challenged imaginary conceptions of the Cold War “other” by the mere fact of their origins, and 2) how governments on either side of the Iron Curtain sought to reassert ideological control over the destabilizing issues raised be refugees?

By the turn of the 19th and 20th century America faced the problem of immigrants’ integration. The manpower needs of the industry as priority covered the problem for a while. A debate on the issue lasted decades and offered a great variety of solutions. Among the different views the belief that it can be solved by education was strong. A certain extent it worked for second generation and foreign born immigrant child by the public school system, but not for the immigrant adult. They could communicate and read only on their mother tongue. That created a special situation for public libraries. Following an extensive debate in the professional periodicals and at conferences of librarians, they joined the progressive democrat’s neighborhood program and found their own solution. As a response to the demographic changes they launched a movement for developing “foreign language collections” and trained specialists, the “foreign language librarians” to provide service for immigrants including Hungarians. Until now not much research was made on this movement although archival sources of libraries and their neighborhood studies or annual reports constitute rich sources for immigrant studies and makes trends measurable. The present study analyses and evaluates their debates, their political and philosophical basis regarding integration and assimilation. It presents their methods, the results in the case of Hungarians, and the reactions from the Hungarian communities and from Hungary. The research is based mainly on US and Hungarian archival sources and contemporary published material concerning of the period from 1890’s to the1940’s.

Respected main line historical scholarship refers to three groups of factors when explaining the antecedents of the dismemberment of the Habsburg Monarchy:
--- the war aims of the great powers as taking a final shape by June 1918 (the Versailles meeting following the May Spa agreement where the Habsburg Monarchy declared its full loyalty to Germany.), the decisive role of the Russian Revolution and the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty and the US entering the war;
---the irredentist aspirations of Serbia and Romania and the activities of the leaders of various leaders of the Slavs within the Monarchy;
---domestic political strife, weakening the resistance, cohesion of the Monarchy, especially the Hungarian policy towards national minorities.
A group of scholars and a number of non-academic writers, who feed a traumatized collective memory, argue that it was not the combined impact of these three groups of factors together with the military defeat of the Monarchy but basically French great power aspirations. French imperialism was to be blamed not for the collapse but for the destruction of the Habsburg Monarchy. The proponents of this very popular view generally also add that the naive (in some argumentations treacherous) pacifism of the Hungarian leaders, especially that of Mihály Károlyi, who instead of making every effort to defend the borders of the country destroyed the remnants of the still existing army. The very same people who argue in this direction also say that the proclamation of the Hungarian Soviet Republic on March 21, due to the Western fears of the spread of communism, further deteriorated Hungarian chances for a “just” peace. They do not realize the contradiction: the fact that the Soviet Republic was able to mobilize a popular army led by professional army officers under a red banner was as fruitless as the pacifism of Károlyi. In a very simplified way we could argue that scholarship tends to interpret the revolutions of 1918-19, and the activities of Mihály Károlyi, not as causes but as consequences of the collapse of the Monarchy, whereas traumatic collective memory blames the revolutions for the collapse and its consequences. The paper will give a short survey of recent debates on the historical role of Mihály Károlyi, focusing on his personal role in the 1918-19 Hungarian revolutions.

Coverbs are verbal prefixes that are attached to the beginning of verbs to modify their meaning. The most common coverbs expressing motion in Hungarian are: be-, ki-, le-, fel-, ide- and oda-. Other coverbs such as meg- and el- are used to refine the meaning of a verb to express the completion or intended completion of a verb’s action. (Rounds and Sólyom, 2011). Teaching the use of coverbs is one of the most difficult topics and pose challenges for both teachers and students of Hungarian as a Foreign Language. The topic is particularly complex as coverbs undergo constant change. One of the most intriguing questions in linguistics nowadays is the functional examination of the be- coverb, with special emphasis on the new neologisms that have emerged for the past 10-15 years (Varga 2012 and Ladányi 2007). In present paper, the author examines neologisms (such as besír, beröhög, bealszik, beelőz, etc.), mainly expanding on the studies of Kiefer (1992), Nádasdy (2002), Sólyom (2012, 2014) and Szili (2015). Creative uses of be- will be presented from everyday speech, youth discourse, online data, media as well as articles on politics. (e.g. Rogán bekóstolta Goodfriendet. Or: Férje nőügyeivel támadta be Clintont Trump.) The author will point out that in the neologisms of the be- coverb, the lexical aspect plays and important role. Based on her research, the author will share her findings and offer a new discovery in the field: an insofar unknown and ‘unexpected’ use of the be- coverb in present-day Hungarian discourse.

Gábor Naphegyi occupies an odd space in Hungarian-American history, at once present in several historical publications but still fundamentally mysterious. By some counts he seems to have made his way from the Hungarian army to Hamburg to the United States in early 1849, while the revolution of 1848 still continued. Preceding the rise of mass transatlantic migration, migrants of Naphegyi’s ’48-er cohort migrated the globe to some diverse places. In his convoluted and storied life, Naphegyi was a doctor, author, scientist, linguist, businessman, insurance agent, and revolutionary in various locales in North America, all the while a conman, counterfeit artist. Naphegyi’s North American travels spanned the political boundaries of Canada, the United States, and Mexico, benefitting from porous borders on both sides of the Atlantic. His life illuminates global mobility in the post-revolutionary decades and the enduring privilege of an elevated class status as a member of the intelligentsia, even in the era of the so-called "self-made man."
Two boxes of Naphegyi’s papers, housed at Yale University, contain documents in several languages, as well as telegraph ticker tape and a cipher seemingly of his own devising. This paper will explore the author’s attempts at making sense of this odd, cryptic, and multilingual archive.

In the Hungarian Kingdom, before 1918 the Jews were considered as Hungarians. In the era of the Horthy regime, especially at the beginning of the regime and in its final years, unlike in the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, Jews were excluded from the Hungarian nation. Although at the national census Jews were registered as Hungarians, the rhetoric of the regime, and numerous decrees of the governments spoke about the Jews as a separate race. Moreover, a special group of Jews were picked up from this “alien” race. This special group was called “Galician Jews”. In my proposed paper I would like to tell how and why this false identity was invented, used and exploited in the era of the Horthy regime.

Originally this label: “Galician” referred to those Jews who or whose ancestors moved to Hungary from the East. They were made responsible for the failure of the assimilation of Jews to the Hungarian nation. Since the beginning of the 1920s, at the National Assembly, but also increasingly in public discourse, the term “Galician” no longer referred to people originating from Galicia or Russia. In public life, this adjective was assigned to every Jew whose Hungarian affiliation was questioned. “Galician” Jews were made scapegoats of the defeat of World War I and of the post-war revolutions. “Galician” Jews were unwanted Jews whom Hungarian national elite wanted to deport from Hungary. In 1941 they became the first victims of the Holocaust in Hungary.

The course design draws on Hungarian poets such as Attila József and Miklós Radnóti, whose works address themes of war, displacement, and social upheaval, alongside American poets like Maya Angelou and Robert Frost, whose writings explore personal trauma, civil rights, and resilience. The class engages students in reading, analyzing, and creating poetry, equipping them with tools to facilitate emotional expression and reflection in clinical and community settings. Key techniques include the therapeutic use of bilingual poetry, identity-focused writing exercises, and trauma-informed approaches to facilitating poetry sessions. By juxtaposing Hungarian and American literary traditions, the course encourages students to embrace cultural diversity in their therapeutic practice and enhances their ability to work with clients from varied backgrounds, including refugees and immigrants. This presentation will share the course outline, key activities, and reflections on the benefits of incorporating poetry from different cultural traditions into social work education. It will highlight the potential of poetry therapy to promote healing and cross-cultural understanding in therapeutic settings.

Hungarian folk dance teacher training in Vojvodina.

Even during the pandemic, continuous dance education did not stop at either the university or lower levels. The realization of the learning support system used by the Hungarian Dance University was implemented in a cross-border educational program. The length of the course is 3 and a half years, in which the teaching takes place in 8 occasion on Saturdays and Sundays in 15 lessons in each "school year". A solution had to be found for this practical part because of the border locks. Using the Course Garden learning support system, we successfully resolved consultations and other preparational opportunities between consultation dates. The papers and other reports submitted by the participants thus received a direct evaluation, preparing the next material. The number of participants in the online course was 70. I performed the administrative tasks and I coordinated the whole system - together with the teachers, organizers and students. I would like to present the process of this in my presentation.

Transylvania has always been a space of multiculturalism which is reflected in the fact that the Hungarian regional standard contains more Romanian and German elements than the central standard. And that is not only characteristic to the present state of the language but it is a historical phenomena.
During the process of editing the Dictionary, Attila Szabó T. and his co-workers realised that the language material gathered from Transylvanian archives contain a number of Hungarian words of Romanian origin that the literature has no knowledge of. Thus came the idea of a smaller dictionary which would present the Romanian loanwords of Hungarian spoken in Transylvania in the period of the 16–19th centuries. By the mid 1980’s the editorial work was finalized, however it has never been published, the material is kept at the Department of Hungarian and General Linguistics, Babes–Bolyai University, Kolozsvár.
In my paper I attempt to present the words of Romanian origin listed in the Historical Dictionary of the Hungarian Language in Transylvania which the general literature of loan words has no knowledge of in the context of crossing borders in the sense that neighbouring languages always have huge impact on each other even if they are genetically completely different.

In my talk I shall explore the ideological underpinnings of the meaning production of the categories of autochthonous and migrant Hungarians in various media representations at the time of the 2005 referendum on citizenship in Hungary against my ethnographic findings based on semi-structured interviews carried out with Hungarian migrants who came to live in Szeged from Serbia or Romania in the past twenty years. My major theoretical concern is to explore and demonstrate the equally exclusionary logic of apparently oppositional stereotypical (prejudiced thinking) of liberal and nationalistic positions. It is the ‘same’ ideological assumption they share, though attributed only to their opponents to discredit each other and thereby eventually keeping each other at bay – and in power in the eyes of their followers. This ideological meaning of “Hungarian migrants’/autochthonous Hungarian” distinction draws upon the conflation of linguistic and cultural dimensions of identity formation (Blommaert and Verschueren, 2007). The former, liberal position, falsely, ends up depoliticizing the negotiation over conditions and meanings of belonging and foreignness, as a result of a discourse strategy of multiculturalism that is “too-ready to accept that culture matters [in a way that] helps to nourish cultural stereotypes” (Anne Phillips 2007:21). The latter, the conservative discourse of nationalism ends up treating language as an origin of cultural “being”, paradoxically, leading to situations where those immigrating to Hungary, speaking the officially (and linguistically) non-acknowledged regional dialect of their country of citizenship (Romania or Serbia) comes to be inflected with the meaning of ‘foreign’ and will inevitably bring about new, cultural and economic kind of difficulties to negotiate. This is an equally oppressive move, one that pushes the migrants in the direction of “integration” on the terms of the “locals”, the ‘more original’ Hungarians.

Előadó körútjaim során tapasztaltam, mennyire fontos a külföldi magyarságnak az anyanyelv ápolása és megtartása. A harmadik nemzedék már gyakran csak törve beszéli a magyart, de éppen ebből a közegből kerül ki a nyelvtanulók széles tábora. A magyar környezetben felnőtt nagyszülők nem mind sajátítják el tökéletesen új hazájuk nyelvét; a szülők már külföldön tanulnak magyarul, a nyelvet csak szűkebb környezetben, ingerszegényebb kommunikációs helyzetekben használják. Így érthető, hogy a harmadik nemzedékben fölébred a vágy szülei nyelvének ‒ tehát kultúrájának ‒ alaposabb megismerésére. Ebben számos szervezet siet az érdeklődők segítségére. Sokan tanítják nyelvünket világszerte, s nem mind rendelkeznek nyelvoktatói végzettséggel. Azonban magyarságtudatuk, a magyar nyelv végtelen szeretete és átörökítésének missziója összekapcsolja őket.
Magyarországon s a nagyvilágban a művészi, de az értő beszéd és vers tanításának célja, hogy hozzásegítse a pedagógusokat, a magyart mint idegen nyelvet oktatókat és a hallgatóikat a beszédük oldottá és természetessé tételéhez és segítse őket akár az iskolai oktatás fórumain való megszólalásban; de akár egyéb nyilvános fórumokon, köznapi életben való megnyilvánulásokban is. A cél az érthetőség és az élményszerűség megvalósítása akár a mindennapi életben. Ennek elérését szolgálja a módszer: a jelöltek különböző képességfejlesztő gyakorlatokon - légzéstechnika, beszédtechnika-,valamint koncentrációt fejlesztő feladatokon, szövegértelmezéseken és memoritereken keresztül képessé válnak a nyelv magas szintű, tudatos használatára, szövegek interpretálására, az elsajátított ismeretek átadására, a kommunikációs és retorikai képességek fejlesztésére.
A gyakorlatok elsajátításával, a gyakorlatok készséggé fejlesztésével, az önismereti képességek kialakításával alkalmassá válik a hallgató bármilyen szöveg hangzóvá tételére. Mindezen tapasztalatokat felhasználva ajánlom előadásomban a különféle technikák elsajátítását.
Előadásom befejezéseként a szöveggyűjteményem közzétételével a tanításban-, s a magyar irodalomban való tájékozódást kívánom segíteni.

Csontvary's work is hard to categorize. He is a painter who followed his inner voice and left us many paintings that touch upon surrealism, symbolism, post impressionism, fauvism, and something that is uniquely his own, mysterious and strangely beautiful.
Light is the crucial element in several of his paintings. It changes the reality and transports the viewer into emotionally charged realms: some peaceful and dreamlike, others reflecting the inner turmoil of the master.
The overview of some of Csontvary's works -from the perspective of a working artist-may provide some of the insights into his unique use of light and symbolic elements that so strongly appeal to contemporary viewers.

By mixing codes intentionally in their printed media, bilinguals can construct and reconstruct a separate third space identity which relies upon the dissimilar cultural environment. Jonsson (2014) introduced the term third space identity to describe bilinguals’ identity, which can be considered a combination of their identity associated with their native language and culture on the one hand, and with the dominant language and culture on the other, moreover this identity cannot be regarded as a stable but rather a fluid phenomenon. In our paper, we argue that the concept of “third space” can be valid for the mixed code discourse, which is a language variety (cf. Mahootian, 2005) with a dissimilar communicative role which contributors to the publications use intentionally and consciously to mark their identity and to highlight their relationship with their heritage within the mainstream language and culture. The illustrations supporting this paper are derived from the homepages and newsletters of the Hungarian communities living in the United States of America.
References:

Jonsson, Carla. “Making Silenced Voices Heard: Code-switching in Multilingual Literary Texts in Sweden.” Language Mixing and Code-Switching in Writing. Approaches to Mixed-Language Written Discourse. Eds. Mark Sebba, Shahrzad Mahootian and Carla Jonsson. New York: Routledge. 2014, pp. 212-232.
Mahootian, Shahrzad. 2005. “Linguistic change and social meaning: Codeswithing in the media.” International Journal of Bilingualism. Vol 9. No. 3&4. (pp. 361-375)

In my presentation at the conference, I would like to briefly present the results of my research and fieldwork carried out during my doctoral studies so far (up to the date of the conference). My research is mainly based on the methodology and approaches of cultural anthropology. My fieldwork is conducted in Pécs, among international students studying at the University of Pécs. I also work with students from the USA. Through participant observation, life history interviews and semi-structured interviews I try to observe and understand the students' individual and community experiences. My research focuses on the personal lives of international students in Pécs, their experiences and strategies of life are at the centre of my fieldwork, but I interpret and analyse their individual experiences in a broader context, in relation to the political, economic and institutional aspects and characteristics of international student mobility. The main focus of my research so far is on: the family/social/cultural background of international students and its influence on their study abroad opportunities; students' motivations for studying abroad and the background of their choice of destination country; international students' strategies for living in Pécs; students' intercultural adaptation; students' homemaking and their thinking about 'home' as an abstract, mental concept and/or material space; students' interpersonal networking; the role of friendships in international students' lives and mobility; and transnational characteristics of international students' lives, with a focus on their transnational relationships. In my presentation, I would like to provide a brief summary of the findings of my research, with a primary focus on the diversity of the experiences of international students in Pécs.

How can we refuse something or someone in a polite way in Hungary? What are the rules? How can we be successful in refusing a request and still remain polite? How can we refuse another person without insulting him/her? Are there different politeness rules in diaspora language communities? Linguistic politeness is a part of our social image, our cultural tradition, although it rarely becomes conscious knowledge. While communicating in everyday life, we are not necessarily aware of following certain pragmatic rules about the proper way of language usage. We communicate with each other without keeping the pragmatic rules in mind, only become aware of them if our partner deviates from the norms and conventions.
Our concepts about correct/successful use of language forms are being determined by our cultural background: the culture of developed industrial societies; of Europe; of Hungary, of the diaspora community (in continuous interaction with the culture of the country), as well as the cultural standards of the social group we are part of. Therefore researching the manifestations of politeness in language usage actually means the research of those social elements that can be detected in communication although not being expressed intentionally. Familiarity with the various theories about expressing politeness helps us to know more about our language usage that can lead us to communicate consciously and successfully. For example differences in social status can be a determining factor in chosing the proper way for refusing someone politely. However, there are other cultural elements as well that can affect our evaluation about politeness/impoliteness in a certain community. We should be aware of the results of researches in the subject so they can be part of our practical knowledge.


Cultural Components of Successful Communication: about Pragmatic Competence Regarding Polite Refusals
Melyek az udvarias visszautasítás szabályai a mai Magyarországon? Hogyan utasíthatunk vissza egy kérést úgy, hogy ne sértsük meg beszédpartnerünket? Hogyan befolyásolhatja mindez a diaszpórában élők nyelvhasználatát?
A nyelvi udvariasság része társadalmi önképünknek, kulturális hagyományainknak, ritkán válik azonban mindez tudatossá számunkra. A hétköznapokban nem érzékeljük, hogy bizonyos nyelvhasználati szabályokat követünk, amikor mondanivalónkat formába öntjük. A zökkenőmentes kommunikációban a felek együttműködése nem tudatos, hiszen csak akkor válik számukra is érzékelhetővé saját normarendszerük, ha beszédpartnerünk eltér a beszélgetés általuk helyesnek tartott menetétől. Elképzeléseinket a helyénvaló és/vagy sikeres nyelvi érintkezésről a kultúránk, azaz – a tágabban értelmezettől a kisebb közösségek felé tartva – a fejlett ipari társadalmak kultúrája, az európai, a magyarországi, a diaszpóra magyar közösségének (az adott ország többségi kultúrájával kölcsönhatásban álló) kulturális háttere és annak a társadalmi csoportnak a kultúrája határozza meg, amelynek tagjai vagyunk. A nyelvi udvariasság kutatása ebből következően azoknak a társadalmi tényezőknek a vizsgálatát jelenti, amelyek akkor is megjelennek a nyelvhasználatban, ha nem törekszünk tudatosan kifejezésükre. A különböző udvariassági elméletek biztosította fogalmi keret megismerésével többet tudhatunk meg saját nyelvhasználatunkról, ami elvezethet a tudatos és eredményes kommunikációhoz. Visszautasításaink megfelelő nyelvi formába öntésekor például fontos tényező a beszédpartnerek közötti hatalmi és társadalmi távolság, de ezek mellett egyéb kulturális elemek is befolyásolják annak eldöntését, mi számít egy adott közösségben udvariasnak, mi udvariatlannak. A témához kapcsolódó kutatási eredmények megismerése egyben a gyakorlatban is hasznosítható tudást is jelent.

The Carpathian Basin is a text book case of cultural crossroads. In the 19th century the area was a multicultural unit, and Hungarian history and literature has probably minimized the differences. Still, there are real connections among the various ethnicities who have existed for many years together. In literature one can find connections among peoples which might be more relevant than the historical record suggests. Often outside forces exacerbated ethnic differences natives did not perceive as problematic. In my paper I will examine Peter Huncik's Határeset as an examination of the ethnic relations of Upper Hungary in the 20th century as the region changed hands from Hungary to Chechoslovakia, to Hungary and again to the Check state.

One’s life is deeply rooted in his/her own culture. In the presentation the author shares some of his experiences he gained in the US as guest researcher. He’ll discuss his experiences related to cultural differences of everyday life in the US and Hungary. As a researcher, the author spent one year in the US on two occasions. The first stay occurred after the 1990 political changes as a John Marshall Fellow in the Regional Research Institute in West Virginia University. The second time he was the Senior fellow of HAESF (Hungarian American Enterprise Scholarship Fund) in the Rural Policy Research Institute (RUPRI) of the University of Missouri, Columbia, MO. His experiences in the US induced him to draft a paper about everyday events, stories and compare their relevance in different social context. These everyday stories reflect the cultural and social differences in attitudes of people living in these different societies. The stories often better illuminate the differences and aspirations of people than "serious" social studies. Everyday people often create their American or Hungarian pictures through these kinds of stories.

This paper investigates the interplay between transnationalism, identity, and space. Notwithstanding the processes of hybridization expected from a transnational theoretical frame, the vast majority of recent studies pertaining to transnationalism take the approach that migrants experience a duality between place of origin and place of residence. Literary texts written by or about expatriates often disclose the fact that the native component of one’s identity has a greater influence on how they perceive the world as they view it through the lens of their native bias. Consequently, cultural hybridity – which refers to the complete internalization of more than one culture, enabling people not to be stuck in only one way of thinking – comes across as a slightly problematic term. Transnational individuals may feel comfortable dealing with several cultures simultaneously, but the multiple and continuous linkages that they sustain across borders modify their sense of belonging to a place and influence their identity as well. The concepts of transnationalism and identity inherently call for juxtaposition, highlighting that the distinct space that transnational individuals occupy – neither here nor there or both here and there – represents a third, separate, unique sphere marked by a constant sense of in‐betweenness. The central questions of ‘where we are’ and ‘who we are’ are, therefore, intertwined with each other.

The definition of a memoir that best fits this presentation is “an account of the personal experiences of an author.” This paper provides the reflections of a biological anthropologist specializing in the genetics of the Indigenous peoples of North America, who was born in Hungary, raised in Canada, and served 12 years as President and Vice-Chancellor of the University of Manitoba. Perhaps it is the ghost of C.P. Snow’s “two cultures” - the gap in understanding between the sciences and the arts - that may question the relevance of this professional background to Hungarian Studies. However issues raised by Kenyeres János, AHEA’s 2019 keynote speaker, in his examination of Hungarian identity manifest in literature - specifically in writings that reflect “essentialist thinking”- are related to fundamental issues about the nature of human diversity with which biological anthropologists have been grappling since the 18th century. In an era in which commercial genetic genalogical services promise to identify ancestors, and genetic studies of living peoples as well as archaeogenomic studies of skeletal remains seek to identify relationships, current perspectives on what constitutes – or not – “the essence of an individual and the groups to which one belongs” are worth considering. Facts, whether in murder mysteries or in lawful courtroom trials, are subject to interpretation. It is the cultural interpretation that we give to genetic identity and genetic differences that imbue these concepts with meaning.

This paper focuses on the Cleveland Hungarian community and the wider post-1945 Hungarian diaspora in the Western world. Using primary sources and historical works by Hungarian émigré and diaspora authors (including Dr. Ferenc Somogyi’s history of the Hungarian Association, an edition of the Hungarian scout leadership magazine, Vezetők Lapja, Dr. Steven Béla Várdy’s histories of Hungarian-Americans, and other works), I show the emphasis placed on preservation of Hungarian language and culture in the documents of select influential post-1945 Hungarian organizations active in Cleveland and founded by the Displaced Persons (DP) generation of Hungarian émigrés. I specifically examine the Hungarian Association and the Hungarian Scout Association in Exteris (both influential in Cleveland but also the wider Hungarian diaspora) and examine how these organizations are imbued with a sense of mission to preserve Hungarian culture in the diaspora. Additionally, my paper proposes a time period-based model for tracking the development of Cleveland’s Hungarian community that takes into account the involvement of second- and further generations. With this paper, I seek to better understand the motivations for preservation of Hungarian-ness in the post-1945 Cleveland Hungarian community and the wider Hungarian diaspora in the Western world. This paper was written as junior independent work for Princeton University’s undergraduate School of Public and International Affairs.